Thursday, November 6, 2008

America, and the Forty Year March

President Barak Obama's acceptence speech

a personal testimony..

Fellow Citizens, Comrades, Brothers and Sisters and Tribal Elders..
Forty years ago, immersed totally in a warm sunny August weekend, I was crawling on my belly like a reptile to escape the tear gas swirling like an ominous and poisonous cloud just inches above my head, (tear gas leaves you a few inches of wiggle room), as shouts and shots were in the air and pandemonium prevailed.

The enemy was attacking in their starched and neatly pressed, sardonically beautiful in the stark sunshine, all dressed up in their sky blue uniforms, buckled with heavy armament, and we were weaponless (except for our "righteous indignation"), but we were in charge in a peculiar way because we were fighting for a noble cause..we were fighting weaponless for Peace and Justice throughout our land and God was on our side.

Where was I engaged in this noble enterprise you might ask? I was in Chicago in 68 and we were resisting and protesting the erroneous or at least misguided gaggle of " citizens" that were gathered in a convention hall to nominate a candidate (a Can't i date, really), that "claimed" he was going to end that atrocious foreign war, as the Democratic Party was meeting behind closed doors, (closed to us), to nominate a man to hold our land’s so called highest office. I was in Grants Park those forty years ago and today after forty years in the wilderness, we finally (and with great satisfaction and tears of Joy,) are finally in the Promised Land, and, that once gassed and bloody Grant's Park was filled overflowing with nearly a million liberated citizens, and was again, the "Valley of Decision" for our proud and fragile nation.

From now on it is America versus Babylon. Bush's Biblical Babylon was almost entrenched here and everywhere else in the world.

Robert Kennedy Jr. describing the Bush Pesidency and its "crimes against humanity. Robert Kennedy Jr Implies (directly) Bush a Fascist
by Tom Kertes
I went to a lecture by Robert Kennedy Jr. tonight. As he got started, I realized something. Perhaps is it not me who is moving to the mainstream - perhaps the mainstream is moving to me. I realized this as Robert Kennedy Jr. said the "F" word, the "M" word and the "H" word - all in the context of Bush, corporate power and American democracy.

Fascism. Mussolini. Hitler: Bush.

Kennedy did not say: Bush is a fascist. Instead he said (in sequence):

1. Fascists are corporate plunderers of the commons
2. Mussolini and Hitler were from the fringe radical right, and were irrelevant until corporations bolstered them
3. Bush is a corporate plunderer of the the commons

Read between the lines. The implication can't be mistaken. Kennedy called Bush a fascist, and the progressive Seattle audience clapped and roared approval. There were Congressmembers in the audience - it was a mainstream crowd that had paid money to hear Kennedy speak.

Kennedy sounded like man speaking at a radical rally. He talked of the extreme, radical, anti-democratic corporate powers that are destroying our nation - in economic, political and spiritual terms.

This is what we call a backlash. Vice President Gore says "police state" in a speech. Robert Kennedy Jr. implies Bush is a fascist, and I and other radicals are calling ourselves Democrats. Times have changed - and this was impossible to miss tonight. I felt at home, listening to a fiery speech about the defense of the republic in a mainstream setting, with a mainstream speaker, amongst a mainstream audience. Sure, we were progressives - but the words were radical. And lately more and more of the "sold-out Liberals" that I have been at odds with as a radical have been making sense to me.

Here is something in Salon on Kennedy's talk of fascism in America (emphasis added):

This week Kennedy declares war on this new "enemy within" -- the term his father applied to the Mafia lords who were subverting American politics, business and labor -- with a passionate, sweeping indictment of the Bush-sanctioned rape of our environment in the latest issue of Rolling Stone. Kennedy lays out in legal-brief detail how, under Bush, the federal agencies supposed to be guarding our air, water and natural resources have been systematically turned over to the industry foxes that are ravaging them. But the tone of his lengthy essay is far from lawyerly. Kennedy's original subtitle was "Corporate Fascism and the End of Nature."

Another source on Kennedy calling Bush fascist (

In the book, Kennedy implies that we live in a fascist country and that the Bush White House has learned key lessons from the Nazis.

"While communism is the control of business by government, fascism is the control of government by business," he writes. "My American Heritage Dictionary defines fascism as 'a system of government that exercises a dictatorship of the extreme right, typically through the merging of state and business leadership together with belligerent nationalism.' Sound familiar?"

He quotes Hitler's propaganda chief Herman Goerring: "It is always simply a matter to drag the people along, whether it is a democracy, or a fascist dictatorship, or a parliament, or a communist dictatorship. The people can always be brought to the bidding of the leaders. That is easy. All you have to do is tell them they are being attacked, and denounce the peacemakers for lack of patriotism and exposing the country to danger. It works the same in any country."

Kennedy then adds: "The White House has clearly grasped the lesson."

Kennedy also quotes Benito Mussolini's insight that "fascism should more appropriately be called corporatism because it is the merger of state and corporate power."

"The biggest threat to American democracy is corporate power," Kennedy told us. "There is vogue in the White House to talk about the threat of big government. But since the beginning of our national history, our most visionary political leaders have warned the American public against the domination of government by corporate power. That warning is missing in the national debate right now. Because so much corporate money is going into politics, the Democratic Party itself has dropped the ball. They just quash discussion about the corrosive impact of excessive corporate power on American democracy."

Democracy is worth fighting for. It is a wonderful concept, and the American republic is worth keeping around for the next generations. I'm in - are you?

From now on everyone in the world is in the same "Valley of Decision", and we all have to make a decision where do we stand..with America (the New "reconstituted" America now..
or with the global specter that the Holy Bible calls.. "Babylon", the global evil counterfeit government that "was” slowly and methodically forming here, enveloping almost undetected, and still emerging abroad.
All enemies, I repeat ALL enemies, foreign and domestic, are now and forevermore, in God's spotlight, and we can see better now the outlines and intentions of "the enemy", and we together will win this war, no kidding!

Come join U.S., because we still have God on our side and we will prevail.

The 1968 Democratic National Convention of the U.S. Democratic Party was held at the International Amphitheatre in Chicago, Illinois,
from August 26 to August 29, 1968. The purpose of the Democratic National Convention was for the election of a suitable nominee to run as the Democratic Party’s choice for the post of President of the United States of America.
With events in the United States crashing against the American population faster and faster, 1968 quickly developed into a year of rage. All across America emotions ran high. Tensions peaked when two leaders, ones who had brought the promise of hope to a generation, were assassinated. A harsh blow came to the Civil Rights movement when Martin Luther King Jr. was assassinated on April 4, 1968,

but the night before he was gunned down he said this..

followed by the assassination of one of the anti-war movements hopefuls, Robert F. Kennedy on June 5/6 (shot early morning of June 5th, died 26 hours later),

Part Two..the audio recordiing amalysis of multiple gunshots (13)..more shots than the investigation admitted.

an interesting investigation concludes that CIA agents were involved in Robert Kennedy's assasination. Parts 1 & 2

1968. The Democratic convention received a great deal of media attention because of the number of demonstrators and the use of force by the Chicago police during what was supposed to be, as named by Yippie activist organizers, “A Festival of Life.” The rioting, which took place between demonstrators and the Chicago Police Department and the Illinois National Guard, was publicized by the mass media, some of whose members experienced firsthand what the protestors at Chicago suffered. Well respected newsmen of the day, Mike Wallace and Dan Rather, were both roughed up by the Chicago police inside the halls of the Democratic Convention.
The Youth International Party, whose members were commonly called Yippies, was a highly theatrical and anti-authoritarian political party established in the United States in 1967. An offshoot of the free speech and anti-war movements of the 1960s, the Yippies presented a more radically youth-oriented and countercultural alternative to those movements. They employed theatrical gestures—such as advancing a pig ("Pigasus the Immortal") as a candidate for President in 1968—to mock the social status quo. They have been described as a highly theatrical youth movement of “symbolic politics.”
Since they were better known for street theatre and politically-themed pranks, many of the "old school" political left either ignored or denounced them. "The group was known for street theater pranks and was once referred to as the 'Groucho Marxists'."

In 1967, the Yippie movement had already begun planning a youth festival in Chicago to coincide with the Democratic National Convention. They were not alone; other groups, such as Students For a Democratic Society and the National Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam, also made their presence known. When asked about anti-war demonstrators, Daley kept repeating to reporters that “No thousands will come to our city and take over our streets, or city, our convention.” In the end, 10,000 demonstrators came to Chicago for the convention where they were met by 23,000 police and National Guardsmen. Daley also thought that one way to prevent demonstrators from coming to Chicago was to refuse to grant permits which would allow for people to protest legally.
After the violence which took place at the Chicago convention, Daley claimed as his main reason for calling in so many Guardsmen and police was that he had received intelligence that there were going to be plots to assassinate many of the leaders, including himself. He played on the fears of the American people after John F. Kennedy’s assassination in Dallas

The secret Service is ordered to "Stand Down" therefore removing Kennedy's rear protection.

The Zapruder film, computer enhanced, to show more clearly the gunshot from the "front"(up on the hill,the grassy knoll) of the Kennedy motorcade.

LBJ's mistress confesses that LBJ was involved in Kennedy's assasination.

this is a taped confession of E. Howard Hunt claimiing again the LBJ was deeply involved in Kennedy's assasination

as a means of legitimizing his calling of the Guard and the use of force in Chicago. Daley knew that playing on the American fear of assassination was an ideal way to ensure that he would have the sympathy of the American public on his side.
While several protests took place before serious violence occurred, the demonstrations headed by the Yippies were not without comedy. Surrounded by reporters on August 23, 1968, Jerry Rubin, a Yippie leader, and other activists held their own presidential nominating convention with their candidate Pigasus, an actual pig. When the Yippies paraded Pigasus at the Civic Center, ten policemen arrested Rubin, Pigasus, and six others. This resulted in Pigasus becoming a media hit.

August 28, 1968 came to be known as the day a “police riot” took place. The title of “police riot” came out of the Walker Report, which amassed a great deal of information and eyewitness accounts to determine what actually happened in Chicago. At approximately 3:30 p.m., a young boy lowered the American flag at a legal rally taking place at Grant Park. The rally was made up of 10, 000 protestors. The police broke through the crowd and began beating the boy, while the crowd pelted the police with food, rocks, bags of urine, and chunks of concrete. The biggest clash in Chicago took place that day. Police fought with the protestors and vice versa. The chants of the protestors shifted from “Hell no, we won’t go” to “Pigs are whores.” Tom Hayden, one of the leaders of Students for a Democratic Society, encouraged protestors to move out of the park to ensure that if they were to be tear gassed, the whole city would be tear gassed, and made sure that if blood were spilled in Chicago it would happen throughout the city. The amount of tear gas used to suppress the protestors was so great that it eventually made it’s way to the Hilton Hotel where it disturbed Hubert Humphrey while in his shower. The police were taunted by the protestors with chants of “Kill, kill, kill.” They sprayed demonstrators and bystanders indiscriminately with Mace. [What was to become the most famous picture of the Chicago demonstrations of 1968 was the police assault in front of the Hilton Hotel. The entire event took place under the T.V. lights for seventeen minutes, live, with the crowd shouting, “The whole world is watching.” Meanwhile, in the convention hall, Connecticut Senator Abraham Ribicoff used his nominating speech for George McGovern to tell of the violence going on outside the convention hall, saying that “with George McGovern we wouldn’t have Gestapo tactics on the streets of Chicago.” Mayor Daley responded to his remark with something that the T.V. sound was not able to pick up, but was later revealed by lip-readers that Daley had cursed “Fuck you, you Jew son of a bitch you lousy motherfucker go home.” That night, NBC News had been switching back and forth between the demonstrators being beaten by the police to the festivities over Humphrey’s victory in the convention hall. It was under the cameras of the convention center, for all of America to see; it was abundantly clear that the Democratic party was sorely divided. After the Chicago protests, the demonstrators were certain that the majority of Americans would side with them over what had happened in Chicago, especially when looking at how the police had acted. In the end, however, they were shocked to see that as unpopular as the war in Vietnam had become, the anti-war movement was hated even more. Daley claimed to have received 135,000 letters supporting his actions and only 5000 condemning them. Public opinion polls demonstrated that the majority of Americans supported the Mayor’s tactics.

40 years later...


By Robert C. Koehler
Tribune Media Services

It had already been a long day for me, and for the country, when I rode the train downtown to Grant Park on the night of Nov. 4. History was crowding against my thoughts — my car was full of joyful, youthful, rock-the-vote noise — as I looked out the window into the Chicago night and saw a bright orange (papaya-colored, really) quarter moon hovering over the horizon, beautiful and strange beyond reckoning.

I had never seen anything quite like it and was shaken with a sense of wonder: Where am I? Am I dreaming?

Later that night I heard a young man from Illinois — our new president-elect — say: “ America is a place where all things are possible.”

I had to listen to him on a giant screen set up in the park a few blocks north of where he was actually speaking, along with several hundred thousand or a million others. All I know is that the crowd was enormous, raucous, loud, young, diverse (but Chicago crowds always are) and wildly excited. A cheer surged in the night, one of many, and suddenly I was drenched from behind with . . . maybe it was water, maybe it was champagne, but probably it was just lite beer.

By then the speaker was telling us how we had overcome fear and cynicism to put our hands on the arc (I say Ark Dene) of history “and bend it once more (I say carry it once more) toward the hope of a better day” and for a flickering moment I felt drenched with enthusiasm as well as beer. Yes we did, by God. This was the cry of the night — yes, we did! We worked hard, we Americans, to get to this moment beneath the papaya-colored moon and the hovering helicopters. I don’t know if I’ve ever felt the raw energy of hope so palpably.

The next morning — a few hours ago as I write this — a friend left me a phone message: “I feel as though we’ve gotten our country back.”

I feel this too. I just don’t know what it means.

My joy (and relief) that Barack Obama prevailed in this election is enormous — certainly the size of last night’s crowd — but there’s a deeper joy here as well, and an accompanying sense of dread.

“ America is a place where all things are possible.” That’s the problem. Thus 135 million people can turn out on a golden (and in some places rainy) fall day to vote, to put their hands on the arc of history, but a few million more can be purged from the voting rolls before the day began. Indeed, an unknown number of voters or would-be voters ran into problems that sometimes prevented them from voting and — mainly because of the terrifying uncertainty of electronic voting — may not have had their votes counted at all, or not counted as they were cast.

Obama won — his landslide was too big to be denied. But I urge that we not be complacent or smug about this dream we call democracy, because it is a fragile dream: that principled cooperation will hold its own in the arena of history with the naked struggle for power and control. This will only happen when citizenship means being more concerned with the fairness of the electoral process than with who wins. In other words, Barack Obama’s victory over John McCain on Nov. 4 was less important than the growth and strength, or lack thereof, of democracy itself.

The fair-elections movement may be the most important democratic development of the last eight years. Our “freedom” isn’t taken for granted with quite the complacent arrogance — even by the media — that it used to be. And the infrastructure of fair elections, independent of partisan politics, is growing.

Before I went down to Grant Park, I spent most of Election Day hanging out at the Chicago office of the law firm DLA Piper, which provided pro bono space for the Election Protection Hotline volunteers giving help to voters in this part of the Midwest, mostly in Illinois and Indiana. Some 80 volunteers here were on phones helping voters with problems large and small from 6 a.m. till the polls’ closing 13 or so hours later. Nationally, Election Protection Hotline fielded 79,343 calls for help or assistance; around 2,500 came in to the Chicago call center.

The most serious problems were from voters whose names weren’t listed on the rolls in their precinct; who were being wrongly (in Illinois ) required by judges to show identification; and who reported unduly long lines caused by machine malfunction and other problems. The array of potential troubles was formidable. An Indianapolis woman, for instance, called the hotline to report that she’d been told that her early vote hadn’t counted because the judge failed to initial her ballot; she needed to revote. This she did, but she feared many others either didn’t get that call or would have been unable to do so.

Still, this is a day to celebrate both Obama’s victory and the huge outpouring of voters who wanted to have a say in this election. I saw long, snaking lines everywhere in Chicago on Tuesday, and I’m sure that was the case across the country. Election Day — Democracy Day — isn’t a national holiday (yet) but it felt like one.

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Robert Koehler, an award-winning, Chicago-based journalist, is an editor at Tribune Media Services and nationally syndicated writer. You can respond to this column at or visit his Web site at

© 2008 Tribune Media Services, Inc.